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The question is do we want to repeat the experience of the city in suburbia or do we want to figure out how to be enduringly integrated?" asked Gary Orfield, professor of education, law, political science and urban planning at the University of California-Los Angeles and co-director of the Civil Rights Project at UCLA, formerly of Harvard University. He said many black and Latino parents move to inner-ring suburbs, looking for an integrated community, only to later find it was a community that was in sharp transition that wound up becoming majority minority.Case in point, locally: Southfield, which went from being predominantly white and Jewish to majority black in the last 20 years. "Detroit Metro has been the most segregated place in the United States," Orfield said. "We're talking extremely stratified."
by Carol Swain
Published Friday, 09/28/07 in the Tennessean.
Coleman Young
and the
Push-Pull of the Suburbs
The late sixties and early seventies were also the year when the black militancy movement swept the nation, and Detroit was one of the stages where that played out. This scared many whites and accelerated their flight from the city to its burgeoning working class suburbs. I've always thought that Detroit's last best political hope after the riots was Richard H. Austin, a prominent black accountant who aspired to public life and took a run at the mayor's office. It was 1969 and the city could have either stabilized with a racial balance of roughly 50 percent black-white, or continued hemorrhaging white people, as it ultimately did. As we know, the city ultimately shrunk in population size to about 900,000 in 2006.
As the downward spiral of Detroit continues -- in spite of a successful revival of downtown and promising new plans for its neighborhoods -- the question often asked still is: How did we get here? Let's take a brief spin down history's lane, with me behind the wheel, of course.
Friday night at the Jazz Festival looking south down Woodward toward Hart Plaza.
One of my pet peeves in our neighborhood is the buses that stand all day with engines running on St. Aubin between East Lafayette and Larned streets next to the Dequindre Cut (the old below-street-level railroad right-of-way). The Martin Luther King townhouse apartments, a low-to-moderate income community, are also across the street. The buses come and go all day, the drivers sit and wait until they're ready to be dispatched. Usually a supervisor stops by in an SUV to kibitz with the drivers and perhaps give them orders. Occasionally, a mechanic with his truck will stop by and make on-the-spot-repairs. Rarely, a disabled bus will sit until a tow truck can remove it.
The bus drivers keep their engines running, spewing pollution and a constant grumble from their diesel engines. Worst of all, this practice has created a long constant slur of oil leakage on the street that runs the entire length from East Lafayette to Larned. When no buses are parked there, you see this long black, wide nonstop oil leak.
Here's the Detroit News story regarding the "Missing in Action" report from Smart Growth America that is discussed in the post immediately above this one:
Detroit's Construction Workforce Comprised of Few Blacks
by Cindy Rodriguez
DETROIT -- Detroit's construction workforce is primarily white with just seven out of 100 workers black, a disparity that undermines the potential of African American men to earn decent salaries, according to a first-of-its-kind study released today that examines the race and ethnicity of workers in building trades.
The study, "Missing in Action," looked at 19 cities across the nation, focusing on the construction trade because those jobs offer decent wages and benefits and don't require a college degree. Those jobs will continue to be in demand in the coming years.
Of the cities examined, Detroit had the second worst disparity rate, after Virginia Beach, Va. While blacks comprise 20 percent of the workforce in Detroit, they accounted for 7 percent of the workers in construction. Whites, on the other hand, comprised 72 percent of the workforce and 86 percent of the construction workers. Latinos also were overrepresented: They account for 3 percent of the workforce and 6 percent of those in construction.
"Construction employment works through informal networks. It's through word of mouth and through connections," said Dr. Todd Swanstrom, professor of public policy at Saint Louis University and the primary author of the study. "What's happened with African Americans is they simply aren't plugged into networks."
Bob Filka, CEO of the Michigan Association of Homebuilders, said blacks need to be made more aware of opportunities in building trades, especially because there will be a rising need once the Michigan economy recovers.
"We are going to have a hard time in the industry when the economy comes back because a lot of our workers have left the state," he said.
Ponsella Hardaway, executive director of the non-profit agency Metropolitan Organizing Strategy Enabling strength, said public schools should train young black men and women for jobs in these trades and think of it as an investment.
"It's one of the reasons why we have a high crime rate. People do what they can to survive," Hardaway said. "There's a lot of hopelessness for young men and because of it they sometimes resort to other things."
For weeks I've been waiting for the right moment to weigh in on this month's Big Story -- the 40th anniversary of the "riots" that took place in Detroit the week of July 23, 1967. Journalists, historians and academicians have been tapping feverishly at their keyboards to render their weighty opinions of what really happened and the affect it has had on our great city. I've been reading as much as I can -- the Detroit News has been running a special section called "Panic in Detroit." I've read Jack Lessenberry in Metro Times, Paul Lee in the Michigan Citizen, Jack Anderson in the Chronicle, Julia Vitullo-Martin in the Wall Street Journal, and many more. There is nothing I can add to this body of work, so I will just throw out a few observations:
The riot-rebellion did not kill the city. There is no question that the riot-rebellion was the single-most hurtful event in the devastation of Detroit, but the city's decline was already in motion. White flight began in the fifties. The suburbs and shopping malls were already growing rapidly. The expressways were already in place, criss-crossing through the city, sucking the dollars and life out of it, after destroying wide swaths of viable neighborhoods and dislocating thousands of mostly lower class whites and blacks. The riot-rebellion expedited a process that was already happening. It just poured gas on the fire.
We'll never know what Detroit would have been like had the riots never occurred. If they hadn't, perhaps today's Detroit would be about 65 percent black, rather than the 90 percent it is. It makes me mad to have to say it, but a better balance between black and white would have meant a stronger tax base, something we lost with the flight of the white (and now black) middle-class.
Without the riot-rebellion, possibly 30 percent of the commercial development that occurred along the Northwestern-Lodge corridor and in other parts of Oakland County in the past 40 years would have taken place downtown. Then, downtown never would have hit the skids that it did in the late seventies before slowly recovering to what it is today. Without '67, our neighborhoods would still have had serious problems, but the entire city would not look like today's "one huge ghetto" -- except for maybe five pockets of good neighborhoods that we have now. Without '67, the school system perhaps would have fared better, but I really don't know.
And reliable sources say maybe we would not have lost Motown Records had the riot-rebellion not happened. According to the Wall Street Journal story: "The riots had propelled one of the greatest black economic engines the country had ever known -- Motown Records, founded in 1959 -- to eventually depart for Los Angeles. After receiving a taunting phone call that Motown would burn to the ground by Halloween, founder Berry Gordy moved most operations to a secure office building close to downtown, away from the riots he had called 'a hurricane of rage.'"
None of us will every really know. That's all I have to say about the riots.
The Detroit Department of Transportation will host four public meetings this week to ascertain public support for three possible rapid transit routes. The options, all of which include a three-mile stretch of Woodward between downtown and New Center, are:
Woodward to Eight Mile; Michigan Avenue to Dearborn, near Fairlane Mall and University of Michigan-Dearborn; and Gratiot to Eight Mile.
These three alignments were deemed worthy of further study for several reasons, including public support at an earlier round of public hearings, population, housing and employment density, major destinations, traffic volume, bus ridership, and concentration of car-less households. Modes being evaluated include bus rapid transit, light rail and upgraded traditional bus service.
The public meetings are being conducted under the auspices of the Detroit Transit Options for Growth Study (DTOGS) and are a step in the Federal Transit Authority-mandated process that must be followed in order to apply for federal funding.
DTOGS is expected to be complete by the end of the year, at which time the FTA will receive a recommended alignment and mode.
Each meeting will begin with an hour-long open house that will be followed by a presentation and public comments. The meeting schedule is:
Wednesday, July 25 from 11 a.m. to 2 p.m. at the Guardian Building
Wednesday, July 25 from 5 to 8 p.m. at Wayne State University's Welcome Center
Thursday, July 26 from 5 to 8 p.m. at Wayne County Community College's Cooper Community Center
Saturday, July 28 from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. at Ford Community and Performing Arts Center in Dearborn